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<p> <b> EBIONISM. </b> —It would be going beyond the scope of this [[Dictionary]] to enter with any fulness into a discussion of the obscure and elusive subject of [[Ebionism]] as it meets us in its varying forms in the history of the early Church. What immediately concerns us is its bearing upon certain questions connected with the origin of the [[Gospels]] and the history and person of [[Jesus]] [[Christ]] Himself. But as these questions cannot properly be handled till we have determined what we are to understand by Ebionism, a brief treatment of the general subject appears to be necessary. </p> <p> i. Who and what were the Ebionites?—The name [[Ebionites]] ( Ἐβιωναῖοι), it is generally agreed, is derived from the [[Hebrew]] <i> ’ebyônîm </i> אָבִיוֹנִים ‘the poor.’ <sup> * </sup> <sup> [Note: [[Certain]] of the [[Fathers]] attempt to derive the name from a supposed founder called Ebion, who is said to have spread his doctrines among the [[Christians]] who fled to [[Pella]] after the fall of [[Jerusalem]] (Tertullian, de prœscr. Hœret. 33; Epiphanius, Hœr. xxx. 1, 2). But though Hilgenfeld has laboured to give historical reality to the figure of Ebion (Ketzergesch. pp. 422–424), modern scholars have practically agreed that he has only a mythical existence (Harnack, Hist. of Dogma, i. 299; Uhlhorn in PRE3 v. 126).] </sup> It seems most probable that originally this name, like [[Nazarenes]] ( Acts 24:5), was applied to all Christians; but whether it was first adopted by the followers of Christ themselves or given them by others it is impossible to say. The comparative poverty of the great mass of Christians in the early days of the Church, especially in Jerusalem, where the name doubtless arose, might lead to its being used by outsiders as a term of contempt. On the other hand, the Christians of Jerusalem may themselves have adopted it because of the spiritual associations with which ‘the poor’ ( אִבְיוֹנים, רַלּים עַניים) are referred to in the OT ( <i> e.g. </i> Psalms 34:6; Psalms 69:33; Psalms 72:13, Isaiah 11:4; Isaiah 14:32; Isaiah 29:19; cf. S. R. Driver, art. ‘Poor’ in Hasting's Dictionary of the Bible; G. A. Smith, <i> Isaiah </i> , vol. i. ch. xxix. ‘God’s Poor’), and the blessings pronounced upon them by Jesus Himself ( Luke 6:20, Matthew 5:3). If it was first given as a name of reproach, it could very easily and naturally be accepted as a name of honour. <sup> </sup> <sup> [Note: It is a later idea, evidently suggested by antipathy to the low Christological ideas with which Ebionism had come to be identified, that leads [[Origen]] (c. Cels. ii. 1, de Princip. iv. i. 22) and [[Eusebius]] (HE iii. 27) to treat the name as derived from the ‘poverty’ of the Ebionites in intelligence and knowledge of Scripture, and especially from the ‘beggarly’ quality of their Christology.] </sup> </p> <p> After the name ‘Christian’ (cf. Acts 11:26) had become the general designation for the disciples of Christ, ‘Ebionites’ appears to have been reserved as a distinctive title for [[Jewish]] as distinguished from [[Gentile]] Christians ( Ἐβιωναῖοι χρηματίζουσιν οἱ ἀπὸ Ἰουδαίων τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὡς Χριστὸν παραδεξάμενοι, Origen, <i> c. Cels </i> . ii. 1), but specifically for those Jewish Christians who, in some degree more or less pronounced, sought to maintain as essential to [[Christianity]] the now obsolete forms of the OT religion (the Fathers from the 2nd to the 4th cent. <i> passim </i> ). Thus Ebionism becomes a synonym for Jewish Christianity in its antithesis to the universalism of the [[Catholic]] Church; and it is in this broad and yet pretty definite sense that the word is properly to be employed (Harnack, <i> l.e. </i> i. 289; Uhlhorn, <i> l.e. ibid. </i> ). It is true that in the 4th cent. we find [[Jerome]] using the two names Nazarenes and Ebionites in speaking of the Jewish Christians, with whom he had become well acquainted in [[Palestine]] ( <i> Ep. ad August </i> . cxxii. 13), and this has led some to suppose that he is making a distinction between two entirely different sects (so especially Zahn, <i> Kanonsgeseh </i> . ii. 648 ff.); but it is now generally held that in this case he was really using two names for the same thing, and that ‘Nazarenes’ and ‘Ebionites’ are both general designations for Jewish Christians as such (Harnack, <i> l.e. </i> p. 301; cf. Uhlhorn’s art. ‘Ebionites’ in Schaff-Herzog, <i> Encycl. of Rel. [[Knowledge]] </i> , with his later art. ‘Ebioniten ‘in <i> PR </i> <sup> E </sup> <sup> [Note: RE Real-Encyklopädie fur protest. [[Theologic]] und Kirche.] </sup> <sup> 3 </sup> <sup> [Note: designates the particular edition of the work referred] </sup> ). </p> <p> While, however, it seems impossible to distinguish between Nazarenes and Ebionites, and improper in this connexion to think of a separation into clear-cut sects, there were undoubtedly differences of tendency within the general sphere of Ebionism. From the first a stricter and a more liberal party is to be discerned (the οἱ διττοὶ Ἐβιωναῖοι of Origen, <i> c. Cels. </i> v. 61), corresponding in some measure to the cleavage which emerged in the [[Council]] of Jerusalem ( Acts 15:1-29)—a [[Pharisaic]] party which held the Law to be essential even for Gentile Christians, and a party of broader mind, which, while clinging to the Law for themselves, did not seek to impose it upon their Gentile brethren (Justin, <i> Dial. c. Tryph </i> . 47). Finally, with the rise of the [[Gnostic]] heresy, a Gnostic or syncretistic type of Jewish Christianity makes its appearance, to which the name of Ebionism is still applied (Epiphanius, <i> Haer. </i> xxx. 1). This Gnostic Ebionism itself assumes various forms. It already meets us within the NT in the false doctrine which St. Paul opposes in Colossians, and in the teaching of [[Cerinthus]] to which St. John replies in his First Epistle. At a later period it is represented in the doctrines of the EIkesaites, who combined their Ebionism with influences drawn from the [[Oriental]] heathen world (Epiphanius, <i> Hœr </i> . xix. 2, xxx. 1; Hippolytus, <i> Philos </i> . ix. 13). </p> <p> ii. The [[Ebionite]] Gospels.—As against the [[Tübingen]] school, which held that primitive Christianity was itself Ebionism, and which took, in consequence, a highly exaggerated view of the influence of Ebionitic thought upon the history and the literature of the early Church, it is now admitted by nearly all modern scholars that there are no writings within the [[Canon]] of the NT which come to us directly from this circle. On the other hand, two of the [[Apocryphal]] Gospels, the <i> [[Gospel]] according to the Hebrews </i> and the <i> Gospel of the Twelve [[Apostles]] </i> (otherwise known as the <i> Gospel of the Ebionites </i> ), are immediate products of the Judaeo-Christian spirit—the former representing Ebionism in its earlier and simpler type, and the latter that syncretistic form of Jewish Christianity which afterwards sprang up through contact with [[Gnosticism]] (see Gospels [Apocryphal]; and artt. ‘Gospel according to the Hebrews’ and ‘Apocryphal Gospels’ in Hasting's Dictionary of the Bible, [[Extra]] Vol.). The extant fragments of the <i> Gospel of the Twelve Apostles </i> show that its value is quite secondary, and that the author has simply compiled it from the Canonical, and especially from the [[Synoptic]] Gospels, adapting it at the same time to the views and practices of Gnostic Ebionism. Much more interest and importance attach to the <i> Gospel according to the Hebrews </i> . We have references to it, for the most part respectful and sympathetic, in the writings of Clement, Origen, Eusebius, and, above all, Jerome; while several valuable fragments of it have been preserved for us in the pages of Epiphanius. Eusebius ( <i> Historia Ecclesiastica </i> iii. 25, 27) and Jerome ( <i> Com. on </i> Matthew 12:13) both testify that this was the Gospel used by the Ebionites, and it is the latter who gives it its name of the ‘Gospel according to the Hebrews’ ( <i> seeundum Hebraeos </i> ). The numerous references in the Fathers to this work, and the extant fragments themselves, if they do not justify Harnack’s statement that Jewish-Christian ( <i> i.e. </i> Ebionite) sources lie at the basis of our Synoptic Gospels ( <i> Hist. of [[Dogma]] </i> , i. 295), lend some weight to the idea that the distinctive features of the document, so far from being altogether secondary, ought to be regarded as indications of an early [[Aramaic]] tradition, which still held its own among the ‘Hebrews’ after the growing universalism of the [[Church]] had left it behind (see Prof. Allan Menzies in Hasting's Dictionary of the Bible, Extra Vol. 343 <sup> a </sup> ). </p> <p> iii. Ebionism and the Canonical Gospels.—Apart from the existence of special Ebionite Gospels, the idea has been common, both in ancient and modern times, that certain of the Canonical Gospels owe something of their substance or their form to the positive or negative influence of Ebionite sources or Ebionite surroundings. (1) <i> The Gospel of St. Matthew </i> .—Jerome, who testifies, as we have seen, to the fact that the Jewish Christians of Palestine had a Gospel of their own ( <i> seeundum Hebraeos </i> ), also tells us that this Gospel was regarded by many as <i> Matthaei authentieum, i.e. </i> the original of Matthew ( <i> Com. on </i> Matthew 12:13); and on one occasion refers to a copy of it which he himself had seen and translated as though he believed it to be the original Hebrew ( <i> ipsum Hebraieum </i> ) of St. Matthew’s Gospel ( <i> de Viris Illust. </i> ii. 3). Irenaeus, two centuries earlier, says that the Ebionites use only the Gospel of Matthew (i. xxvi. 2); a statement which points, at all events, to this, that even in his time the Jewish Christians of [[Syria]] attached themselves to a particular Gospel, and that between that Gospel and St. Matthew the [[Apostle]] a close connexion was believed to exist. [[Irenaeus]] does not seem to have been aware of the existence of the <i> Gospel according to the Hebrews </i> , and apparently confounded that work with the Canonical Matthew. But when his statement is taken together with those of Jerome, very interesting questions are raised as to the origin and connexions of the [[Synoptical]] Gospels, and of the First Gospel in particular, with the result that in modern theories upon this subject the <i> Gospel according to the Hebrews </i> has played an important rôle. It would be out of place to enter here upon any discussion of the questions thus raised (see Gospels). But it may be said that while the whole trend of recent scholarship is unfavourable to the views of those who would make the <i> Gospel according to the Hebrews </i> either the ‘Ur-Matthaeus’ itself or an expanded edition of it, some grounds can be alleged for thinking that it represents an early Aramaic tradition of the Gospel story which was in existence when the author of Canonical Matthew wrote his book, and upon which to some extent he may have drawn,—a tradition which would naturally be more Jewish and national in its outlook than that represented by the [[Greek]] written sources on which he placed his main dependence (see Hasting's Dictionary of the Bible, Extra Vol. 342 f.). </p> <p> (2) <i> The Gospel of St. Luke </i> .—On the ground that much of the teaching which is peculiar to St. Luke bears specially upon wealth and poverty, it has frequently been alleged that the [[Evangelist]] made use of a distinctly Ebionitic source, or was himself in sympathy with Ebionism. It is true that the Ebionites, as we meet them later in Church history, resemble the [[Essenes]] in taking an ascetic view of life, and regarding voluntary poverty as a thing of merit and a means of preparing for the [[Messianic]] kingdom. But it is altogether a misrepresentation of the facts to say that this is the type of the ideal [[Christian]] life as it meets us in Luke, or that his references to riches and poverty ‘rest on the idea that wealth is pernicious in itself and poverty salutary in itself’ (Weiss, <i> Introd </i> , ii. 309). The form in which the first [[Beatitude]] of Matthew ( Matthew 5:3) is given in Luke, ‘Blessed are ye poor: for yours is the kingdom of God’ ( Luke 6:20), together with the closely following Woe pronounced upon the rich (v. 24), has especially been fastened on as a clear proof that these sayings proceed from an Ebionitic circle ‘ascetic in spirit and believing poverty to be in itself a passport to the kingdom, and riches the way to perdition.’ [[Similarly]] in the parable of [[Dives]] and [[Lazarus]] ( Luke 16:19-31), it is supposed that Dives goes to the place of torment because he is rich, while the beggar is carried into Abraham’s bosom simply because he is a beggar. Such interpretations, however, spring from a very superficial exegesis (cf. Bruce, <i> Expos. Gr. Test </i> . on Luke 6:20, <i> [[Parabolic]] Teaching of Christ </i> , p. 376 ff.). And, while it is true that St. Luke dwells, more than the other Evangelists, on the consolations of the poor and the perils of rich men (see, besides the passages already quoted, Luke 4:18, Luke 7:22, Luke 12:16 ff., Luke 16:1 ff., Luke 19:2 ff., Luke 21:1 ff.), the fact is sufficiently accounted for, on the one hand, by that humane and philanthropic spirit which is so characteristic of the [[Third]] Evangelist and so natural in one who is called ‘the beloved physician’; and, on the other, as Zahn has suggested ( <i> Einleitung </i> , ii. 379), by his sense of the appropriateness for one in the position of Theophilus, to whom his Gospel is immediately addressed, of our Lord’s frequent warnings of the spiritual dangers of wealth and the worldliness to which wealth is so prone to lead. It is to be noted, however, that our Lord’s strongest utterance against wealth is found in Matthew ( Matthew 19:24) and Mark ( Mark 10:25), as well as Luke ( Luke 18:25); and that a comparison of the Third Synoptic with the other two reveals occasional touches, on the one side or the other (note, <i> e.g. </i> , the presence of ἁγρούς in Matthew 19:29, Mark 10:29, and its absence from Luke 18:29), which an ingenious theorist might very well use to support the thesis that Luke is not so Ebionitic as Matthew and Mark (see Plummer, ‘St. Luke’ in <i> Internet. Crit. Com </i> . p. xxv f.). </p> <p> (3) It is curious to notice how, from the 2nd cent. to the 19th, <i> the [[Fourth]] Gospel </i> has been associated in two quite different ways with Ebionism, and specifically with Cerinthus, an Ebionite of the Gnosticizing type who taught in [[Ephesus]] towards the close of the [[Apostolic]] age. On the one hand, we have the statements of Irenaeus and others that the Apostle John wrote his Gospel to combat the errors of Cerinthus (Iren. iii. xi. 1) and the Ebionites (Epiphanius, <i> Hœr. </i> li. 12, lxix. 23); statements which should be taken in connexion with the well-known story, attributed to Polycarp, of the dramatic encounter between St. John and Cerinthus in the baths of Ephesus (Iren. iii. iii. 4; Epiphan. <i> l.e. </i> xxx. 24). <sup> * </sup> <sup> [Note: In one version of the story it is the mythical ‘Ebion’ whom St. John meets in the bath.] </sup> Even down to recent times these statements have been widely accepted as furnishing an adequate account of the origin of the Fourth Gospel. Thus Ebrard says: ‘We are thus led to the conclusion that the [[Cerinthian]] <i> gnosis </i> was the principal cause which induced John to believe that the time had come for him to make known his peculiar gift, which he had hitherto kept concealed.… He emphasizes faith in Jesus the Son of God (xx. 31) over against a bare <i> gnosis </i> ’ (Schaff-Herzog, <i> Encyc. of Rel. Knowledge </i> , ii. 1189). </p> <p> At the opposite extreme from the belief of Irenaeus was the view of a sect referred to by [[Epiphanius]] ( <i> l.e. </i> li. 3), and named by him the Alogi (because of their refusal to accept St. John’s teaching regarding the Logos), who ascribed the Johannine writings to Cerinthus himself, and on that ground discarded them altogether. A parallel of a sort to this view was furnished by the Tübingen writers when they assigned the Gospel to some Gnosticizing dreamer of the 2nd century. </p> <p> The residuum of truth that lies between these two contrary views may perhaps be found in the fact that the author was a contemporary of Cerinthus, and that he wrote his Gospel in full view of prevailing Cerinthian error. It is a mistake, however, to suppose that the work was intended as a direct polemic against Cerinthus and his followers. </p> <p> ‘It is decisive,’ says Meyer, ‘against the assumption of any such polemical purpose that, in general, John nowhere in his Gospel allows any direct reference to the perverted tendencies of his day to appear; while to search for indirect and hidden allusions of the kind, as if they were intentional, would be as arbitrary as it would be repugnant to the decided character of the Apostolic standpoint which he took up when in conscious opposition to heresies.… We see from his [First] [[Epistle]] how John would have carried on a controversy, had he <i> wished </i> to do so in his Gospel’ ( John 1:44 f.; cf. Westcott, <i> John </i> , p. xli). </p> <p> The author doubtless has in view the heresies of Gnostic Ebionism, but in the Gospel he refutes them only by the full and positive exhibition of what he conceives to be the truth about Jesus Christ. He tells us himself that his purpose in writing is that those who read ‘may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God’ ( John 20:31). What he means by ‘the Christ, the Son of God,’ he lets us see in the prologue; and his method in the rest of the work is to show by selected examples how this conception of the truth about Jesus Christ has been historically realized. </p> <p> iv. Ebionism and the [[Person]] of Christ.—The distinctive feature of [[Judaic]] Christianity, when we first meet it, lies in its continued adherence to the Law; but with the growth of more definite conceptions regarding the Person of Christ, the question of the keeping of the Law recedes into the background, and [[Christology]] becomes the matter of supreme importance to the Church. From the beginning it was the tendency of Jewish Christianity to shrink from the idea of the Incarnation, and to be content to regard Jesus as the last and greatest of the prophets. And when the Church delined its Christological position, the Jewish section was found to be lacking at this particular and crucial point, and so the term ‘Ebionism’ came to be almost synonymous with the denial of Christ’s [[Divinity]] and Virgin-birth. Irenaeus, after referring to the way in which the Ebionites clung to the Law of [[Moses]] and rejected Paul as an apostate, adds that, besides this, they teach <i> consimiliter ut Cerinthus et [[Carpocrates]] </i> (cf. Hippolytus, <i> Philos </i> . vii. 34, τὰ δὲ περὶ Χριστὸν ὁμοίως τῷ Κηρίνθῳ καὶ Καρποκράτει μυθεύουσιν), denying the birth from the [[Virgin]] and holding Christ as a mere man. Origen, more than half a century later, distinguishes between two classes of Ebionites ( οἱ διττοὶ Ἐβιωναῖοι), one of which confesses, like the Church generally, that Jesus was born of a virgin, while the other affirms that He was born like the rest of men ( <i> c. Cels </i> . v. 61). According to Jerome, it appears that by the 4th cent. the Ebionites of Palestine had made progress in their recognition of the Divinity of Christ and the Virgin-birth, for he says of them, <i> qui credunt in Christum filium dei natum de Virgine Maria … in quem et nos credimus </i> ( <i> Ep. ad August </i> . cxxii. 13). </p> <p> But while it may be true of the vulgar or non-Gnostic Ebionites, over whom, as Harnack says, ‘the Church stalked with iron feet’ ( <i> Hist. of Dogma </i> , i. 301), that their distinction from the Church tended more and more to disappear, the case was different with the Gnostic or syncretistic variety, of whom Cerinthus may be taken as an early type. To Cerinthus, according to Irenaeus (1. xxvi. 1; cf. Hippolytus, <i> Philos </i> . vii. 33), Jesus was nothing more than a naturally-begotten man—the son of [[Joseph]] and Mary—upon whom at His baptism the Christ came down from the absolute power ( αὐθεντία) of God, thus making him the revealer of the Father and the miracle-working Messiah; but from whom this Christ-Spirit departed before the Passion, so that it was only the man Jesus who endured the cross, while the spiritual Christ remained untouched by suffering. </p> <p> In the case of the [[Elkesaites]] of a later period, we find Jewish monotheism combining itself not only with Greek speculation, but with strange heathen elements taken over from the [[Asiatic]] religions. This syncretism was characteristic of the age, and in that fact the strength of Gnostic Ebionism lay. It was much more aggressive than Ebionism of the simpler type, and had a far more widely extended influence. Of its fantastic and fugitive forms this is not the place to speak. But its Christology appears in general to have been akin to that of Cerinthus; in other words it was essentially Docetic, and involved a denial of any real and abiding union of the [[Divine]] and human in the Person of our Lord. </p> <p> Literature.—On the general subject the following should be read: Neander, <i> Church History </i> , vol. ii. pp. 8–41 (Clark’s ed.); Harnack, <i> Hist. of Dogma </i> , i. 287–317; <i> PR </i> <sup> E </sup> <sup> [Note: RE Real-Encyklopädie fur protest. Theologic und Kirche.] </sup> <sup> 3 </sup> <sup> [Note: designates the particular edition of the work referred] </sup> , artt. ‘Ebioniten,’ ‘Elkesaiten’; <i> Jewish Encyc </i> ., art. ‘Ebionites.’ For particular points see the various references given in the article. </p> <p> J. C. Lambert. </p>
Ebionism <ref name="term_55704" />
==References ==
<p> [[Ebionism]] is best understood as the generic name under which may be included a variety of movements, diverging more or less from [[Catholic]] Christianity, and primarily due to a conception of the permanent validity of the [[Jewish]] Law. Of these, some were merely tolerable and tolerant peculiarities; some were intolerable and intolerant perversions of Christianity. </p> <p> As soon as [[Christianity]] became conscious of its world-wide mission, the problem arose as to its relation to the [[Judaism]] out of which it sprang. This produced what we might <i> a priori </i> expect-a difference within the primitive [[Christian]] community between a liberal and a conservative tendency. It was a liberalism which steadily advanced, a conservatism which as steadily hardened and became more intolerant, and drifted further out of likeness to normal Christianity. Jewish Christian conservatism in its different degrees and phases gives rise to the various species of Ebionism. </p> <p> <b> 1. Characteristics </b> .-All [[Ebionites]] are distinguished by two main and common characteristics: (1) an over-exaltation of the Jewish Law; (2) a defective Christology. We may take the first as fundamental. The second is deducible from it. To hold by the validity of the Law is obviously to find no adequate place for the work of a [[Redeemer]] (&nbsp;Galatians 5:4). Christ tends to be recognized merely as a new prophet enforcing the old truth. And defective views of the work of Christ logically issue in, if they are not based upon, defective views of His Person. It is clear also, that those who hold the Law to be permanent, cannot consistently accept the authority of St. Paul, so we find that (3) hostility to St. Paul, involving the rejection of its Epistles, was a characteristic common, not to all, but to many, Ebionites. </p> <p> <b> 2. Main groups </b> .-There are three distinct classes of Ebionites. [[Ancient]] authorities speak of two sects of Ebionites, the more nearly orthodox of which they call Nazarenes. It is necessary, however, to add as a third group those Ebionites whose system results from a union of other elements with the original mixture of Judaism and Christianity. Our classification, therefore, of the Ebionite sects is: (1) Nazarenes, (2) Ebionites proper, (3) Syncretistic Ebionites. </p> <p> The clear division into two sects, named [[Nazarenes]] and Ebionites, appears in the 4th cent. in [[Epiphanius]] ( <i> Hœr </i> . xxx. 1) and [[Jerome]] ( <i> Ep </i> . 112, <i> ad August </i> . 13). But in the preceding cent. [[Origen]] speaks of ‘the two-fold sect of the Ebionites’ (circa, about <i> Cels </i> . v. 61), though he has not the name Nazarene. In the 2nd cent. Justin [[Martyr]] divides Jewish [[Christians]] into two classes: those who, while they observed the Law themselves, did not require believing [[Gentiles]] to comply therewith, and who were willing to associate with them; and those who refused to recognize all who had not complied with the Law ( <i> Dial. c. </i> <i> Tryph </i> . xlvii.). Justin has neither name. At the end of the same cent., we find the name Ebionite for the first time in [[Irenaeus]] ( <i> adv. Hœr </i> . [[I.]] xxvi. 2, etc.). He has no distinction between Ebionites and Nazarenes, and in this Hippolytus and Tertullian follow him. It is not surprising that only writers who had special opportunity of familiarity with Palestinian Christianity should be aware of the distinction. </p> <p> <b> 3. Name </b> .-In all probability both names, Nazarenes and Ebionites, applied originally to all Jewish Christians. It was not unnatural that they should be called Nazarenes (&nbsp;Acts 24:5); it was not unnatural that they should call themselves Ebionites, a name signifying ‘the poor’ (Heb. אָבְיוֹן, <i> ’ebyôn </i> ). We know that the Ebionites identified themselves with the Christians of &nbsp;Acts 4:34 f., and claimed the blessing of &nbsp;Luke 6:20 (Epiphan. xxx. 17). (&nbsp;Galatians 2:10 is interesting verse in this connexion. It seems clear that ‘the poor,’ if not a name for the whole Christian community of Jerusalem, is to be understood at least of Jewish Christian poor.) Or, on the other hand, the name may have been attached to Jewish Christians in contempt. At all events, we may take it as highly probable that the two names were originally designations of Jewish Christians generally, and the retention of those primitive names is in keeping with the essentially conservative character of Ebionism. </p> <p> Some of the [[Fathers]] (the earliest of them Tertullian) derive the name Ebionite from a certain teacher, Ebion. In modern times Hilgenfeld is inclined to support this view ( <i> Ketzergeschichte </i> , 1884, p. 422ff.), but it is highly probable that this is a mistake, and that Ebion had no more existence than Gnosticus, the supposed founder of Gnosticism. Origen has another explanation of the name Ebionite as descriptive of the poverty of the dogmatic conceptions of the sect. This is but an interesting coincidence. </p> <p> <b> 4. Nazarenes. </b> -We begin with the Nazarenes, who came nearest orthodoxy, and are to be considered not as heretics, but as a sect of Jewish Christians. Our information regarding them is scanty, and several details are obscure. Our main and almost sole authorities are Jerome ( <i> de Vir. illustr </i> . iii., and some references scattered in his Commentaries) and Epiphanius ( <i> Hœr </i> . xxix.). The latter, who on almost every subject must he used with the greatest caution, is in this particular case specially confused, but has the candour to admit that his knowledge of the Nazarenes is limited. Jerome had opportunity of gaining accurate acquaintance with their views, and unless we admit his authority, we have practically no knowledge of the sect at all. </p> <p> Mainly from Jerome, then, we learn that the views of the Nazarenes on the three important points (bindingness of the Law, Christology, authority of St. Paul) were as follows: </p> <p> ( <i> a </i> ) As to the Law, they held that it was binding on themselves, and continued to observe it. They seem, however, to have distinguished the [[Mosaic]] Law from the ordinances of the Rabbis, and to have rejected the latter (so Kurtz, <i> Hist. of Christian Church </i> , Eng. translation, 1860, vol. i. § 48, 1). They did not regard the Law as binding on [[Gentile]] Christians, and did not decline fellowship with them. They honoured the [[Prophets]] highly. </p> <p> ( <i> b </i> ) As to Christ, they acknowledged His Messiahship and Divinity. They termed Him the First-born of the [[Holy]] Spirit from His birth. At His baptism the whole fount of the Holy Spirit ( <i> omnis fons Spiritus Sancti </i> ) descended on Him. They accepted the Virgin-birth. They looked for His millennial reign on earth. They mourned the unbelief of their Jewish brethren, and prayed for their conversion. </p> <p> ( <i> c </i> ) They bore no antipathy to St. Paul, and accepted his Epistles. They used a [[Gospel]] according to Matthew in [[Hebrew]] (see below). We shall comment on these views below, in connexion with those of the Ebionites proper. </p> <p> <b> 5. Ebionites proper. </b> -In strong contrast to the Nazarenes stand the Ebionites proper, regarding whom our information is fuller and clearer. Our main authorities are Irenaeus ( <i> adv. Hœr </i> . [[I.]] xxvi., [[Iii.]] xv., v. iii.), Hippolytus ( <i> Hœr </i> . vii. 22, x. 18), Epiphanius ( <i> Hœr </i> . xxx.), and Tertullian ( <i> de Prœscr. Hœr </i> . xxxiii.). [[Eusebius]] ( <i> [[He]] </i> [Note: [[E]] Historia Ecclesiastica (Eusebius, etc.).]iii. 27) and [[Theodoret]] ( <i> Hœr. Fab </i> . ii. 2) may also be mentioned. In the main these give a consistent account, which may be summarized as follows: </p> <p> ( <i> a </i> ) The Ebionites not only continued to observe the Law themselves, but held its observances as absolutely necessary for salvation and binding on all, and refused fellowship with all who did not comply with it. </p> <p> ( <i> b </i> ) As to Christ, their views were Cerinthian (see articleCerinthus). Jesus is the Messiah, yet a mere man, born by natural generation to [[Joseph]] and Mary. On His baptism, a higher Spirit united itself with Him, and so He became the Messiah. He became Christ, they further taught, by perfectly fulfilling the Law; and by perfectly fulfilling it they too could become [[Christs]] (Hippol. <i> Phil </i> . vii. 22). They agreed with the Nazarenes in expecting a millennial reign on earth. In their view, this was to be Christ’s compensation for His death, which was an offence to them. </p> <p> ( <i> c </i> ) The Ebionites denounced St. Paul as a heretic, circulated foolish stories to his discredit, and rejected all his [[Epistles]] as unauthoritative. They agreed with the Nazarenes in accepting a Hebrew gospel, and in addition had certain spurious writings which bore the names of apostles-James, Matthew, and John (Epiphan. <i> Hœr </i> . xxx. 23). This Hebrew gospel used by Nazarenes and Ebionites was in all probability the <i> Gospel according to the Hebrews </i> , of which only fragments have survived. With this work we are not here concerned. It is in place to say that most likely it was a [[Nazarene]] production. In ancient writers it is sometimes attributed to the twelve apostles, more often to Matthew. The Ebionite version was accommodated to their peculiar views by both mutilation and interpolation; thus it omitted the first two chapters, and began the life of Jesus with the baptism. For full treatment of this subject see [[E.]] [[B.]] Nicholson, <i> The Gospel according to the Hebrews </i> , 1879. </p> <p> From the information at our disposal we cannot say how rapidly Ebionism developed, nor estimate the position it had reached by the close of the 1st century. No doubt all the essential elements were active before then. In the [[Nt]] itself we see the process well begun. Dating from the [[Council]] of [[Jerusalem]] (Acts 15), we can see not only the possibility but the actuality of the rise of three distinct groups of Jewish Christians: ( <i> a </i> ) those who embraced Christianity in all its fullness, and developed with it; ( <i> b </i> ) those who accepted the indefinite compromise represented in the finding of the Council, and did not advance beyond it, which is essentially the position of the Nazarenes; ( <i> c </i> ) those who did not agree with the finding, and continued to protest against it, which is the starting-point of the Ebionites proper. We see them carrying on an active propaganda against the liberal school whose leader was St. Paul. The [[Epistle]] to the Galatians ( <i> q.v. [Note: quod vide, which see.] </i> ) is St. Paul’s polemic against them. In Corinth, too, they have been active (2 Corinthians 10-13). After the Fall of Jerusalem, just as Judaism became more intolerant and more exclusive, so we may suppose this judaizing sect followed suit, and, retiring more and more from fellowship with the Church at large, and seeking to strengthen their own position, they by degrees formulated the system we have described. </p> <p> In brief, then, while the Nazarenes are only Christians of a stunted growth, the Ebionites proper are heretics holding a system that is false to the real spirit of Christianity. While the Nazarenes are Judaistic, the Ebionites are Judaizers. Neither Nazarenes nor Ebionites seem to have been of great influence. The latter were the more wide-spread, and, we may suppose, the more numerous. While the Nazarenes were practically confined to [[Palestine]] and Syria, Ebionites seem to have been found in Asia Minor, Cyprus, and as far west as Rome. </p> <p> <b> 6. Syncretistic Ebionites </b> .-The most conservative movement could not escape the syncretistic tendencies of the age with which we are dealing. We have notices of several varieties which we class together as Syncretistic Ebionites. </p> <p> ( <i> a </i> ) The first of these we way term the <i> Ebionites of Epiphanius </i> . Epiphanius agrees with Irenaeus in describing the Ebionites as we have done above. But he adds several details of which there is no trace in Irenaeus. Making all allowances for the generally unsatisfactory character of Epiphanius as an accurate historian, we cannot set aside what he reports so clearly. The easiest explanation is that the Ebionites of Irenaeus developed into the Ebionites of Epiphanius, <i> i.e. </i> Ebionism as a whole became syncretistic. The Ebionites of Epiphanius show traces of Samaritanism and an influence which we may with great probability term Essenic. The former is shown in their rejection of the Prophets later than Joshua, and of Kings David and [[Solomon]] ( <i> Hœr </i> . xxx. 18). The latter is manifest in their abstinence from flesh and wine, their rejection of sacrifices, their oft-repeated, even daily, baptism (xxx. 15, 16). </p> <p> The siege and fall of Jerusalem were events of the greatest importance for Judaism (see articlePharisees) and Jewish Christianity alike. [[Jews]] and Christians, including Ebionites, settled east of the Jordan. There they came into close contact with a Judaism that was far from pure. The most important form of this was Essenism (see articleEssenes). There were also the Nasaraeans, who exhibited the very peculiarities described in the Ebionites by Epiphanius, except perhaps as regards the baptisms (Epiphan. <i> Hœr </i> . xviii.). If, as seems probable, the Order of [[Essenes]] was broken up after the Fall of Jerusalem, it is very likely that many of them would associate with the Ebionites, who held the Law in such esteem, and would be able to impress their own customs on their associates. </p> <p> ( <i> b </i> ) [[A]] still more pronounced Essenic influence is patent when we consider the <i> [[Elkesaites]] </i> . The <i> Book of Elkesai </i> was in great repute among Essenes, Nasaraeans, and other trans-Jordanic sects, and Ebionites accepted it also (Epiphan. <i> Hœr </i> . xxx. 3). The book appeared about a.d. 100. Hippolytus ( <i> Phil </i> . ix. 8-12) gives details regarding it. Its main points are: bindingness of the Law; substitution of frequent baptisms for sacrifices; rejection of the Prophets and St. Paul; Christ’s appearance in Adam and others; permissibility of formal idolatry in times of persecution; magic, astrology, prophecy. This is specially interesting because we trace here a germ of [[Gnostic]] doctrine. </p> <p> Gnostic tendencies are still more pronounced in the Ebionism of the Clementine Literature, which, however, falls outside the period we are concerned with. [[Gnosticism]] has there advanced sufficiently to induce even a more favourable view of St. Paul. The union of Ebionism with Gnosticism is one of the strangest cases of extremes meeting. In most things the two movements are completely antithetical: one practically denied Christ’s humanity, the other His Divinity; one made salvation depend on obedience to the Law, the other on speculative knowledge. Yet the two met in a strange amalgam. The explanation lies in the Essenism with which Ebionism entered into relation. It was already a Gnosticism of a sort. Ebionism ran its course till about the 5th cent., when in all its forms it was extinct. It was despised by Jews and Christians alike, and had no strength to maintain itself, as is shown by the unnatural union it entered into with its own antithesis. </p> <p> Literature.-Besides the works mentioned in the article, see [[F.]] [[C.]] Baur, <i> de Ebionitarum Origine </i> , 1831, and <i> Dogmengeschichte </i> , 1865-68; [[F.]] [[C.]] [[A.]] Schwegler, <i> Das nachapostol. Zeitalter </i> , 1846; [[A.]] Ritschl, <i> Die Entstehung der altkathol. Kirche </i> 2, 1857; [[A.]] Harnack, <i> Dogmengeschichte </i> 3, 1893; [[G.]] [[P.]] Fisher, <i> Hist. of Christian [[Doctrine]] </i> , 1896; [[C.]] v. Weizsäcker, <i> Apostol. Age </i> , Eng. translation, ii. [1895] 27; [[E.]] Reuss, <i> Hist. of Christian Theol. in Apostal. Age </i> , i. [1872] 100; Church [[Histories]] or Neander, Kurtz, Schaff, and Moeller; articles ‘Ebionism’ and ‘Elkesaites’ in <i> Encyclopaedia of [[Religion]] and Ethics </i> ; ‘Ebioniten’ and ‘Elkesaiten’ in <i> Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche </i> 3; ‘Ebionites’ in <i> Jewish Encyclopedia </i> ; ‘Ebionism’ in <i> Dict. of Christ and the [[Gospels]] </i> ; ‘Ebionites’ in <i> Catholic Encyclopedia </i> . </p> <p> [[W.]] [[D.]] Niven. </p>
 
== References ==
<references>
<references>
<ref name="term_55687"> [https://bibleportal.com/dictionary/hastings-dictionary-of-the-new-testament/ebionism+(2) Ebionism from Hastings' Dictionary of the New Testament]</ref>
<ref name="term_55704"> [https://bibleportal.com/dictionary/hastings-dictionary-of-the-new-testament/ebionism Ebionism from Hastings' Dictionary of the New Testament]</ref>
</references>
</references>

Latest revision as of 00:08, 13 October 2021

Ebionism [1]

Ebionism is best understood as the generic name under which may be included a variety of movements, diverging more or less from Catholic Christianity, and primarily due to a conception of the permanent validity of the Jewish Law. Of these, some were merely tolerable and tolerant peculiarities; some were intolerable and intolerant perversions of Christianity.

As soon as Christianity became conscious of its world-wide mission, the problem arose as to its relation to the Judaism out of which it sprang. This produced what we might a priori expect-a difference within the primitive Christian community between a liberal and a conservative tendency. It was a liberalism which steadily advanced, a conservatism which as steadily hardened and became more intolerant, and drifted further out of likeness to normal Christianity. Jewish Christian conservatism in its different degrees and phases gives rise to the various species of Ebionism.

1. Characteristics .-All Ebionites are distinguished by two main and common characteristics: (1) an over-exaltation of the Jewish Law; (2) a defective Christology. We may take the first as fundamental. The second is deducible from it. To hold by the validity of the Law is obviously to find no adequate place for the work of a Redeemer ( Galatians 5:4). Christ tends to be recognized merely as a new prophet enforcing the old truth. And defective views of the work of Christ logically issue in, if they are not based upon, defective views of His Person. It is clear also, that those who hold the Law to be permanent, cannot consistently accept the authority of St. Paul, so we find that (3) hostility to St. Paul, involving the rejection of its Epistles, was a characteristic common, not to all, but to many, Ebionites.

2. Main groups .-There are three distinct classes of Ebionites. Ancient authorities speak of two sects of Ebionites, the more nearly orthodox of which they call Nazarenes. It is necessary, however, to add as a third group those Ebionites whose system results from a union of other elements with the original mixture of Judaism and Christianity. Our classification, therefore, of the Ebionite sects is: (1) Nazarenes, (2) Ebionites proper, (3) Syncretistic Ebionites.

The clear division into two sects, named Nazarenes and Ebionites, appears in the 4th cent. in Epiphanius ( Hœr . xxx. 1) and Jerome ( Ep . 112, ad August . 13). But in the preceding cent. Origen speaks of ‘the two-fold sect of the Ebionites’ (circa, about Cels . v. 61), though he has not the name Nazarene. In the 2nd cent. Justin Martyr divides Jewish Christians into two classes: those who, while they observed the Law themselves, did not require believing Gentiles to comply therewith, and who were willing to associate with them; and those who refused to recognize all who had not complied with the Law ( Dial. c. Tryph . xlvii.). Justin has neither name. At the end of the same cent., we find the name Ebionite for the first time in Irenaeus ( adv. Hœr . I. xxvi. 2, etc.). He has no distinction between Ebionites and Nazarenes, and in this Hippolytus and Tertullian follow him. It is not surprising that only writers who had special opportunity of familiarity with Palestinian Christianity should be aware of the distinction.

3. Name .-In all probability both names, Nazarenes and Ebionites, applied originally to all Jewish Christians. It was not unnatural that they should be called Nazarenes ( Acts 24:5); it was not unnatural that they should call themselves Ebionites, a name signifying ‘the poor’ (Heb. אָבְיוֹן, ’ebyôn ). We know that the Ebionites identified themselves with the Christians of  Acts 4:34 f., and claimed the blessing of  Luke 6:20 (Epiphan. xxx. 17). ( Galatians 2:10 is interesting verse in this connexion. It seems clear that ‘the poor,’ if not a name for the whole Christian community of Jerusalem, is to be understood at least of Jewish Christian poor.) Or, on the other hand, the name may have been attached to Jewish Christians in contempt. At all events, we may take it as highly probable that the two names were originally designations of Jewish Christians generally, and the retention of those primitive names is in keeping with the essentially conservative character of Ebionism.

Some of the Fathers (the earliest of them Tertullian) derive the name Ebionite from a certain teacher, Ebion. In modern times Hilgenfeld is inclined to support this view ( Ketzergeschichte , 1884, p. 422ff.), but it is highly probable that this is a mistake, and that Ebion had no more existence than Gnosticus, the supposed founder of Gnosticism. Origen has another explanation of the name Ebionite as descriptive of the poverty of the dogmatic conceptions of the sect. This is but an interesting coincidence.

4. Nazarenes. -We begin with the Nazarenes, who came nearest orthodoxy, and are to be considered not as heretics, but as a sect of Jewish Christians. Our information regarding them is scanty, and several details are obscure. Our main and almost sole authorities are Jerome ( de Vir. illustr . iii., and some references scattered in his Commentaries) and Epiphanius ( Hœr . xxix.). The latter, who on almost every subject must he used with the greatest caution, is in this particular case specially confused, but has the candour to admit that his knowledge of the Nazarenes is limited. Jerome had opportunity of gaining accurate acquaintance with their views, and unless we admit his authority, we have practically no knowledge of the sect at all.

Mainly from Jerome, then, we learn that the views of the Nazarenes on the three important points (bindingness of the Law, Christology, authority of St. Paul) were as follows:

( a ) As to the Law, they held that it was binding on themselves, and continued to observe it. They seem, however, to have distinguished the Mosaic Law from the ordinances of the Rabbis, and to have rejected the latter (so Kurtz, Hist. of Christian Church , Eng. translation, 1860, vol. i. § 48, 1). They did not regard the Law as binding on Gentile Christians, and did not decline fellowship with them. They honoured the Prophets highly.

( b ) As to Christ, they acknowledged His Messiahship and Divinity. They termed Him the First-born of the Holy Spirit from His birth. At His baptism the whole fount of the Holy Spirit ( omnis fons Spiritus Sancti ) descended on Him. They accepted the Virgin-birth. They looked for His millennial reign on earth. They mourned the unbelief of their Jewish brethren, and prayed for their conversion.

( c ) They bore no antipathy to St. Paul, and accepted his Epistles. They used a Gospel according to Matthew in Hebrew (see below). We shall comment on these views below, in connexion with those of the Ebionites proper.

5. Ebionites proper. -In strong contrast to the Nazarenes stand the Ebionites proper, regarding whom our information is fuller and clearer. Our main authorities are Irenaeus ( adv. Hœr . I. xxvi., Iii. xv., v. iii.), Hippolytus ( Hœr . vii. 22, x. 18), Epiphanius ( Hœr . xxx.), and Tertullian ( de Prœscr. Hœr . xxxiii.). Eusebius ( He [Note: E Historia Ecclesiastica (Eusebius, etc.).]iii. 27) and Theodoret ( Hœr. Fab . ii. 2) may also be mentioned. In the main these give a consistent account, which may be summarized as follows:

( a ) The Ebionites not only continued to observe the Law themselves, but held its observances as absolutely necessary for salvation and binding on all, and refused fellowship with all who did not comply with it.

( b ) As to Christ, their views were Cerinthian (see articleCerinthus). Jesus is the Messiah, yet a mere man, born by natural generation to Joseph and Mary. On His baptism, a higher Spirit united itself with Him, and so He became the Messiah. He became Christ, they further taught, by perfectly fulfilling the Law; and by perfectly fulfilling it they too could become Christs (Hippol. Phil . vii. 22). They agreed with the Nazarenes in expecting a millennial reign on earth. In their view, this was to be Christ’s compensation for His death, which was an offence to them.

( c ) The Ebionites denounced St. Paul as a heretic, circulated foolish stories to his discredit, and rejected all his Epistles as unauthoritative. They agreed with the Nazarenes in accepting a Hebrew gospel, and in addition had certain spurious writings which bore the names of apostles-James, Matthew, and John (Epiphan. Hœr . xxx. 23). This Hebrew gospel used by Nazarenes and Ebionites was in all probability the Gospel according to the Hebrews , of which only fragments have survived. With this work we are not here concerned. It is in place to say that most likely it was a Nazarene production. In ancient writers it is sometimes attributed to the twelve apostles, more often to Matthew. The Ebionite version was accommodated to their peculiar views by both mutilation and interpolation; thus it omitted the first two chapters, and began the life of Jesus with the baptism. For full treatment of this subject see E. B. Nicholson, The Gospel according to the Hebrews , 1879.

From the information at our disposal we cannot say how rapidly Ebionism developed, nor estimate the position it had reached by the close of the 1st century. No doubt all the essential elements were active before then. In the Nt itself we see the process well begun. Dating from the Council of Jerusalem (Acts 15), we can see not only the possibility but the actuality of the rise of three distinct groups of Jewish Christians: ( a ) those who embraced Christianity in all its fullness, and developed with it; ( b ) those who accepted the indefinite compromise represented in the finding of the Council, and did not advance beyond it, which is essentially the position of the Nazarenes; ( c ) those who did not agree with the finding, and continued to protest against it, which is the starting-point of the Ebionites proper. We see them carrying on an active propaganda against the liberal school whose leader was St. Paul. The Epistle to the Galatians ( q.v. [Note: quod vide, which see.] ) is St. Paul’s polemic against them. In Corinth, too, they have been active (2 Corinthians 10-13). After the Fall of Jerusalem, just as Judaism became more intolerant and more exclusive, so we may suppose this judaizing sect followed suit, and, retiring more and more from fellowship with the Church at large, and seeking to strengthen their own position, they by degrees formulated the system we have described.

In brief, then, while the Nazarenes are only Christians of a stunted growth, the Ebionites proper are heretics holding a system that is false to the real spirit of Christianity. While the Nazarenes are Judaistic, the Ebionites are Judaizers. Neither Nazarenes nor Ebionites seem to have been of great influence. The latter were the more wide-spread, and, we may suppose, the more numerous. While the Nazarenes were practically confined to Palestine and Syria, Ebionites seem to have been found in Asia Minor, Cyprus, and as far west as Rome.

6. Syncretistic Ebionites .-The most conservative movement could not escape the syncretistic tendencies of the age with which we are dealing. We have notices of several varieties which we class together as Syncretistic Ebionites.

( a ) The first of these we way term the Ebionites of Epiphanius . Epiphanius agrees with Irenaeus in describing the Ebionites as we have done above. But he adds several details of which there is no trace in Irenaeus. Making all allowances for the generally unsatisfactory character of Epiphanius as an accurate historian, we cannot set aside what he reports so clearly. The easiest explanation is that the Ebionites of Irenaeus developed into the Ebionites of Epiphanius, i.e. Ebionism as a whole became syncretistic. The Ebionites of Epiphanius show traces of Samaritanism and an influence which we may with great probability term Essenic. The former is shown in their rejection of the Prophets later than Joshua, and of Kings David and Solomon ( Hœr . xxx. 18). The latter is manifest in their abstinence from flesh and wine, their rejection of sacrifices, their oft-repeated, even daily, baptism (xxx. 15, 16).

The siege and fall of Jerusalem were events of the greatest importance for Judaism (see articlePharisees) and Jewish Christianity alike. Jews and Christians, including Ebionites, settled east of the Jordan. There they came into close contact with a Judaism that was far from pure. The most important form of this was Essenism (see articleEssenes). There were also the Nasaraeans, who exhibited the very peculiarities described in the Ebionites by Epiphanius, except perhaps as regards the baptisms (Epiphan. Hœr . xviii.). If, as seems probable, the Order of Essenes was broken up after the Fall of Jerusalem, it is very likely that many of them would associate with the Ebionites, who held the Law in such esteem, and would be able to impress their own customs on their associates.

( b ) A still more pronounced Essenic influence is patent when we consider the Elkesaites . The Book of Elkesai was in great repute among Essenes, Nasaraeans, and other trans-Jordanic sects, and Ebionites accepted it also (Epiphan. Hœr . xxx. 3). The book appeared about a.d. 100. Hippolytus ( Phil . ix. 8-12) gives details regarding it. Its main points are: bindingness of the Law; substitution of frequent baptisms for sacrifices; rejection of the Prophets and St. Paul; Christ’s appearance in Adam and others; permissibility of formal idolatry in times of persecution; magic, astrology, prophecy. This is specially interesting because we trace here a germ of Gnostic doctrine.

Gnostic tendencies are still more pronounced in the Ebionism of the Clementine Literature, which, however, falls outside the period we are concerned with. Gnosticism has there advanced sufficiently to induce even a more favourable view of St. Paul. The union of Ebionism with Gnosticism is one of the strangest cases of extremes meeting. In most things the two movements are completely antithetical: one practically denied Christ’s humanity, the other His Divinity; one made salvation depend on obedience to the Law, the other on speculative knowledge. Yet the two met in a strange amalgam. The explanation lies in the Essenism with which Ebionism entered into relation. It was already a Gnosticism of a sort. Ebionism ran its course till about the 5th cent., when in all its forms it was extinct. It was despised by Jews and Christians alike, and had no strength to maintain itself, as is shown by the unnatural union it entered into with its own antithesis.

Literature.-Besides the works mentioned in the article, see F. C. Baur, de Ebionitarum Origine , 1831, and Dogmengeschichte , 1865-68; F. C. A. Schwegler, Das nachapostol. Zeitalter , 1846; A. Ritschl, Die Entstehung der altkathol. Kirche 2, 1857; A. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte 3, 1893; G. P. Fisher, Hist. of Christian Doctrine , 1896; C. v. Weizsäcker, Apostol. Age , Eng. translation, ii. [1895] 27; E. Reuss, Hist. of Christian Theol. in Apostal. Age , i. [1872] 100; Church Histories or Neander, Kurtz, Schaff, and Moeller; articles ‘Ebionism’ and ‘Elkesaites’ in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics  ; ‘Ebioniten’ and ‘Elkesaiten’ in Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche 3; ‘Ebionites’ in Jewish Encyclopedia  ; ‘Ebionism’ in Dict. of Christ and the Gospels  ; ‘Ebionites’ in Catholic Encyclopedia .

W. D. Niven.

References